The Political Economy of Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: by Nikolaos Biziouras

By Nikolaos Biziouras

At the purpose of independence in 1948, Sri Lanka was once projected to be a hit tale within the constructing global. besides the fact that, in July 1983 a violent ethnic clash which pitted the Sinhalese opposed to the Tamils begun, and didn't come to an finish until eventually 2009. This clash resulted in approximately 50,000 combatant deaths and nearly 40,000 civilian deaths, in addition to nearly 1 million internally-displaced refugees and to the everlasting migration overseas of approximately 130,000 civilians.

With a spotlight on Sri Lanka, this e-book explores the political economic climate of ethnic clash, and examines how rival political leaders may be able to persuade their ethnic workforce participants to persist with them into violent clash. in particular, it seems to be at how political leaders can impression and make the most of alterations within the point of monetary liberalization so as to mobilize individuals of a undeniable ethnic staff, and with regards to Sri Lanka, exhibits how ethnic mobilization drives can flip violent whilst minority ethnic teams are economically marginalized through the selections that almost all ethnic team leaders make so as to remain in energy.

Taking a political economic climate method of the clash in Sri Lanka, this publication is exclusive in its old research and gives a longitudinal view of the evolution of either Tamil and Sinhalese ethnic drives. As such, this interdisciplinary examine can be of curiosity to coverage makers in addition to lecturers within the box of South Asian experiences, political technology, sociology, improvement reviews, political economic system and protection studies.

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Extra resources for The Political Economy of Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Economic Liberalization, Mobilizational Resources, and Ethnic Collective Action (Routledge Contemporary South Asia Series)

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Accordingly, the centralization of ethnic group organizations and the cohesion of the organizations’ preferences matter in the mobilization phase. When the heterogeneity and interdependence effects are combined, the emergence of a “critical mass” for “true and effective” mobilization becomes apparent. Political entrepreneurs will focus on the ethnic movement members who have the greatest resources to contribute to securing the collective goal. Additionally, political entrepreneurs will increasingly rely upon those individuals who have strong enough social and ideological ties amongst themselves and a high enough level of organizational centralization to generate effective mobilization.

As Olson argues, “the workers who keep the precincts in line for the machine are usually interested in getting jobs in city hall. And each party hack knows he will not get a job if he does not aid the machine. ” See Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge, MA; Harvard University Press, 1971), 165. 37 See Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge, MA; Harvard University Press, 1971), 5. ” See Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge, MA; Harvard University Press, 1971), 177.

13 The cultural division of labor,14 which pre-exists the process of economic liberalization, prevents the effective use of coalition-building and compensatory policies for two reasons: First, the distributive conflicts that arise from economic liberalization are replicated along ethnic lines, thus prompting an interethnic “war of attrition” at group level. Second, the individual uncertainty Theoretical links 17 question becomes infused with ethnic relevance, thus leading individuals to perceive their ethnicity as the source of their economic problems or benefits.

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