[Journal] Harvard Ukrainian Studies. Vol. XVII. No 3-4

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Extra info for [Journal] Harvard Ukrainian Studies. Vol. XVII. No 3-4

Sample text

This cannot be exact, for it does not account for the cases of e > о in absolute auslaut, where [e] has nothing to assimilate to (word final e > о is attested in some Ukrainian dialects, and of course in Russian and Belarusian). One cannot dissociate the two cases and assume that e > о in absolute auslaut is to be explained differently from e > о in internal position. 48. Presumably the palatal appendix of the preceding soft consonant, which could be reinterpreted as the onset of a diphthong, was a key factor in this diphthongization process: where the consonant was not sharp before /e/ (Ukr.

It is true that the same forms are also attested without e > о with the zeroending: schüren = схитрен (339), priveszen = привезен (275). Since we know the change took place in these cases, the spelling must be viewed as an influence of the Cyrillic spelling, which Fenne was familiar with. sg -e: none of these forms is attested elsewhere with in the predesinential syllable; the change is consistently absent. Above all, the fact that Fenne himself gives explicitly уперлесь / упёрси as a doublet shows that it is not a matter of spelling.

A) A problem of stress? A possible answer to the problem lies in the relation to stress. The only instance of e > о in word final position in the BBLs is ещо, where [e] is under stress. sg m. -e: it can be assumed that in most cases, the ending was not stressed. ), where e > о is regular, in many cases too the ending was in second posttonic (виделе 154, игоумене 605, пасынке 415), or even third posttonic syllable (выгониле 415), where e > о is not expected. A purely phonetic application of the rule would have led to a split between two variants of the same ending, -e and -o.

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